Battle for the Nation (3)
There is no question that the tariffs Trump is imposing on
China and the threat to impose them on Mexico are a burden to the American
taxpayer. Both sides are hurt by them but Trump is betting that they will hurt
the other side more than us. Tariffs have not yet derailed our economic
expansion but they may well do so.
Are there problems with our trade with China? Of course. Do
they need addressing? No doubt. But what happened to gradualism? Wouldn’t that
approach give our industries and every other nation’s enough time to make the
necessary adjustments?
Yes, it would.
The reason Trump is rushing headlong with tariffs is clear.
He is convinced that they are his ticket to reelection. He appears to think
that pushing tariffs will project him as the great American gladiator, the
sublime avenger of all injuries inflicted upon us.
But we will not beat China on tariffs. They will fight back
and even endure much pain rather than bow to Trump’s demands. In the 80s we
could impose tariffs on Japan and stem their rise because we had defeated them
in WWII. We did not defeat China. She was not even a nation.
China has become a formidable opponent. Their brand of state
sponsored development, their drive and ambition, has challenged our position in
the world.
Their commitment to technological superiority, their
advances in 5G and artificial intelligence, all make it evident that their push
for world dominance is here to stay.
Should we be frightened? It depends on how capable we perceive
ourselves to be.
China’s rise and defiance should be seen as a warning that
we have to reorganize our economy and the way we connect to ourselves and to
the world.
To do that we need to think clearly as to what our
priorities are.
Take immigration: immigrants have contributed enormously to
who we are now and what we have. A Russian immigrant is Google’s cofounder. Apple’s
Steven Jobs’ father came from Syria. Intel’s Andy Grove, a leading figure in the
company’s growth, came from Hungary.
Present day Silicon Valley is filled with first or second
generation Indian entrepreneurs.
I live in California. There are several buildings going up
near where I live. The major component to the labor force pushing up those
structures are Latinos.
When I go for medical care the likelihood is high that the
nurse or doctor assisting me will be a first or second generation immigrant.
And so too when I go to the pharmacy to pick up my meds.
Same at the bank or when I go for coffee or to get something
to eat.
We are immigrants. That’s who we are. We have needed the
numbers and immigrants have provided them.
China’s story is different. They have the numbers. But they
started to thrive quickly only when they opened to the world. It was that
influx of ideas and technologies that, coupled with their drive and ingenuity,
lifted them to their present status.
Again, openness.
In China’s case, however, selective openness. They have not
been willing to import democratic ideals and so their population remains
severely bereft of individual liberties.
The West bet that trade with China would inevitably stir a
strong desire from within to transform their communist ideology. It hasn’t
happened but it does not mean that it will not.
We got wrong the time table for political change but the
central concept remains. Sooner or later China will open up politically.
Trump’s intemperate push for tariffs betrays a sense of
panic.
China announces their desire for being the worldwide leader
in technology and Trump frets that we will be at their mercy.
He bangs his tariff drum – the louder the better – thinking
that it will deter China.
It will not.
The Chinese must love that our president is showing so
little confidence in all the pain and effort that it has taken to build America.
But Trump has little sense of history.
Our concept of liberty is the distillation of hundreds of
years of thought and discussion, struggles and wars.
China has not done that work. They went from a near feudal
economy to world prominence in a very short time. Much like South Korea did,
except that we could exert political influence there because we fought for
their freedom.
Why then are we panicking with China’s rise?
There is no need to do so. In fact, it is counterproductive.
To panic is to doubt that our model of governance is effective.
It is effective not only because of our economic and
military strength but because it keeps attracting millions of people from all
over the world. And yet, it needs to be fairer.
As we embrace greater fairness we will help release the fullness
of our citizens’ productive capacities.
Rather than panic with China’s rise, we should welcome it,
for it challenges us to remake our society.
Let us not forget that our society is not in its final form.
Far from it. It is designed to be in a continuous state of flux because the
complexity of life demands it.
China’s spectacular growth has contributed to the rise of
nationalism both here and abroad. But reacting in such way is going in the
wrong direction. We must not lose faith in man’s thirst for freedom and how it
unleashes their creative forces.
China lags way behind the West in allowing the fundamental
freedom that man has long aspired to. In time, and with visionary leadership,
they will come around.
Immigration needs reform in that the nation must have
control of its borders. Let’s tackle that. Let’s discuss it. Let’s do a
referendum on the issue.
But let us not allow a leader without a sense of history, to
throw us into a state of panic that leads us to question the fundamental values
that we have struggled so hard to maintain.
Oscar Valdes
oscarvaldes.net